index of 2005 conference papers

Solidarity for the Birds of Passage

Lilian Chávez
University of Houston, US

Introduction

Are human beings that emigrate from their country evoking human rights advocates to create “mediating institutions” that are enabling transitory services for immigrants throughout their journey of migration (Lamphere 1992)? This analysis attempts to document the human agency of immigrants and there experiences throughout the journey. A recent study shows that there are 11 million undocumented immigrants in the Unites States, six million are of Mexican decent or about 57 percent--came from Mexico (Passel 2005). The study also claims that 23 percent come from other Latin American countries or a total of 2.5 million. The same study also claimed that the population of illegal immigrants in the U.S. increased by 31 percent from the 8.4 million in 2000 to the 11 million in 2005 (Passel 2005). In 2002 the Pew Hispanic Center found that the Salvadorans in the US had increased 65% between 1990 and 2000 (Suro 2002). These figures delineate that Latin American immigration is ever-increasing. The focus of this analysis is to analyze the experiences of undocumented immigrants from Latin America that journey through Central America or Mexico to get to the United States. The question this analysis asks is how communities and individuals respond to risks that immigrants face throughout their journey ofmigration. Qualitative methods were used to more effectively understand how these “mediating institutions” emerge and how they are coping and responding to the plethora of risks that immigrant’s face everyday. Moreover, I have been able to better understand and learn about the many of the experiences and dangers that undocumented immigrants encounter while trying to reach the US.

Rites of Passage

There is research documenting the multiple dilemmas that immigrants encounter in the journey. The first is knowing which form of travel will be used. The next is estimating the cost and distance traveled throughout the journey. Third is the harms and unexpected challenges including devious people that impede or traumatize there travels. There are many difficulties and benefits that migrants experience throughout the migration process. One of the most detrimental realities about human migration is that many do not make it and die on the borderlands. Between 1993 and 1997 more than 1,600 immigrants died attempting to cross the border (Eschbach, Hagan, Rodriguez, Hernandez-Leon, and Bailey 1999).

Scholars and oral historians have described in detail the harsh experiences that immigrants endure while trying to get to their destination (US). This study contributes to that vast literature by documenting the voices of some Migrants. There experiences are life threatening and include: getting lost in the desert and dying of thirst or being bitten by snakes; they drown crossing the river; they are robbed, beaten, or raped by criminals; they are hit by cars on highways; they are extorted by Mexican police; they are defrauded by unscrupulous border smugglers; they are forced to crawl, run, or jump through hazardous terrain; they are mistreated by the Border Patrols and/or beat up; and they are arrested, jailed, and summarily deported (Hagan and Ebaugh 2003; Menjivar 2000; Singer and Massey 1998). Immigrants’ face the conflict of traveling long distances and paying the ultimate cost with there lives just for seeking a better life. The costs of getting across via the services of a coyote can range between $200 to $4,000 (Donato 1999; Genicot and Senesky 2004; Hagan and Ebaugh 2003) and even then their safe arrival is not guaranteed.

Research indicates that women endure more abuse than men throughout this journey (Menjivar 2000). The tragedies that these women experience are crude. Many are raped, physically abused for not having legal documentation, humiliated, and exploited (Pedraza 1991). As mentioned above, much of the literature shows how women are less likely to migrate alone as apposed to men who often do (Massey 2001). Although scholars mention that women get raped, there is not enough literature detailing the kinds of experiences that women endure. The following paragraphs document some of these immigrants’ experiences that emerged while conducting in-depth ethnographic interviews at various sites throughout Mexico and the US.

Individual Acts of Volition for Solidarity

During my fieldwork I was able to learn of many tragic and dangerous experiences that undocumented Central American immigrants endure while crossing into Mexico. Many of the participants came from Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. These experiences are tragic events like getting pushed off the train by “mischievous thieves.” Another participant uttered how both males and females are not fast enough to catch the train which caused them to fall and loose a limb or at times both of their legs. It is commonly understood that many of these immigrants leave “parts of their bodies in Mexico”.

In response to these realities, community leaders take initiatives and create places where individuals can recuperate, gain hope, receive medical attention, and surpass their tragic experiences. One example of this is a shelter I visited in a city in Mexico that borders Guatemala; this shelter was initiated by a woman whom had the desire to help others. She created a place where sick and wounded immigrants can go, and she begins with the support of an Italian priest (who is now deceased.) She now has a building where she can house those that loose their limbs and/or get wounded. Her story begins while she was a nurse at a hospital; she would see that many immigrants (from Central America) did not have a place to go in Mexico, especially because these wounded individuals were far from home. In addition, these individuals had no money and no one to contact so she offered her home. Later she used a borrowed home to house the sick and now she has been trying to get property to build a shelter where these immigrants can go. Through the support of different individuals and her constant pleading for donations she has been able to acquire and sustain a place where the sick and wounded immigrants can refuge while being in foreign lands.

During my research experience I learned of other organizations and service providers that provide similar assistance to immigrants. Many of the individuals I met started organizations and institutions on there own volition. Like the example of the shelter above, many of these pioneers have used their homes to feed and shelter immigrants. I have been moved spiritually by the priests, nuns, and countless individuals that create shelters and are motivated by a sense of justice. Another example is one of a shelter that exists in the US; this place has been in existence for 25 years. Together a married couple realized their vision of helping these human beings by building facilities and adding on to one main building that they began in the early 1980’s. Today they have the main building, plus, a men’s and women’s house, a medical clinic, and a house for the sick and wounded. In addition, they have 15 other houses for battered immigrant women, another clinic, and two houses on the Mexican border, one which is located in US-Mexico and the other that in the Mexico-Guatemala border.

The will that drives this couple is extrapolated from the scripture of Matthew 25. Matthew 25:35-36 says “I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me, I was naked and you gave me clothing, I was sick and you took care of me” By following this philosophy the married couple has chosen to live in community and serve the poor everyday. This is but one of many examples of how individuals dedicate there lives to building solidarity and a living testimony of the power of individual persons. This couple throughout their 25 years, have helped many immigrants but most important they have created a massive network of “invisible” people who also volunteer, donate, and share in their vision. In addition, there are other shelters that religious individuals like priest and nuns have created along the US-Mexico border and throughout Mexico and Guatemala. Furthermore, there are also others who are creating institutions as far as Tegucigalpa, Honduras.

Network Theory

In looking at the literature I have learned that many scholars have talked about network theory to show how immigrants learn about migration. Network theory can be said to be the “interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin” (Massey, Arango, Hugo, Kouaouci, Pellegrino, and Taylor 1993). These networks are sometimes called social networks and they are also large components in the journey process as they provide assistance in helping migrants get across the border. Networks provide various forms of “information regarding the mode of crossing and living conditions in the destination”(Genicot and Senesky 2004). Moreover, migrant networks can be a source of credit, providing potential migrants with the funds needed to cover the cost of migration (Davis and Winters 2001). The information that immigrants are providing other immigrants about the use of a coyote can actually make the trip less “risky” (Orrenius 1999). Network theory is based on the information that immigrants can provide each other about the conditions of migration and of the economic benefits that can take place if migrants decide to emigrate; however, the literature on network theory does not explore how institutions or religious organizations create networks within the process of migration that assist migrants on their journey and it does not indicate if immigrants share knowledge about such places.

Institutional Theory

In addition to network theory there is also institutional theory, which talks about organizations that are either private or voluntary that “arise in developed countries to enforce the rights and improve the treatment of legal and undocumented migrants” (Massey et al. 1993). “Humanitarian groups help migrants by providing counseling, social services, shelter, legal advice about how to obtain legitimate paper, and even insulations from immigration law enforcement authorities. Over time, individuals, firms, and organizations become well-known to immigrants and institutionally stable, constituting another form of social capital that migrants can draw upon to gain access to foreign labor markets.” (Massey et al. 1993). As the literature explains there are institutions that help immigrants throughout their journey; however, what’s missing is how immigrants are finding out about such places and to what extent these places are really helping immigrants.

In Cecilia Menjivar’s book Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrants Networks in America, the author discusses how immigrants from El Salvador use assistance from churches and from what she calls “solidarity groups” for “those who are en route to the United States but also those who stay in Mexico”. Menjivar explains that many of her participants shared with her that solidarity groups provided a form of assistance that included shelter, food, clothing, and at times small loans to continue their trip (Menjivar 2000). Furthermore, the literature on the sanctuary movement of the 1980’s also shows how organizations go against state policy and provide sanctuary to those in need. Specifically, the sanctuary movement only helped refugees and most of them were from El Salvador; however, there is no literature on how organizations specifically help undocumented immigrants or to what extent immigrants are being helped throughout their journey. Furthermore, there is no information on the type of immigrants that use such places nor how and why these organizations emerge and how many informal networks exist throughout the journey.

In the Field

Throughout my research I was able to learn about the characteristics of the individuals who use the assistance of solidarity groups. I conducted interviews at many different shelters throughout the Mexican-Guatemala border, the Mexico-US border, and a US shelter. I learned that many immigrants did not have a contact in the US and at times they were just taking the risk to travel without knowing where they were going. Plus, many immigrants did not know how they were going to get to the US. It is here that the shelters and solidarity groups constitute a form of social capital of informal networks because at these places immigrants would form groups and decide to travel together. Also, many of the immigrants that used such places are those that have fewer resources; for example, many told me that they had left their country with as few as $100, some with just $20. Furthermore, there are many who are assaulted and are left without anything right after reaching the Mexico-Guatemalan border.

Findings

While interviewing female immigrants I learned that many women are migrating alone or with other women. Moreover, women leave their countries in order to obtain a job in the US so they can send money back home. Some women leave their children behind and in some cases I found that women left their native country because they wanted to leave their husbands and migrating became the mechanism. The founder of a US shelter shared with me that many women migrated with their husbands but once they become aware of the (US) shelter then they would leave their husbands and seek refuge in the shelter. In some cases women already knew about the US shelter and migrated with the intention of leaving their husband once they had arrived. Some women choose to leave their husbands once they have arrived because in their native country divorce or separation is less socially acceptable. An alternative view is that in their native country the woman may not have as much freedom or as many opportunities to work and become financially independent as in the US. For example, some women have been told that women in the United States have more freedom and opportunities for mobility (Repack 1997). Furthermore, I was also informed that many pregnant women migrate with the intentions of having a US born child because that becomes the means to providing a better future for their child.

Conclusion

Throughout the Americas, human beings are acting and are deeply committed to social justice. They use the little resources that they have and are incrementally building an incredibly effective invisible network of solidarity. The actions of these groups are being replicated and many others are donating and contributing to the solidarity ring that is helping immigrants. The process of place making and providing services to immigrants allow scholars to better learn about how immigrants find out about such places and helps us to better understand the determination that drives these dreamers in the first place. The authors hope is that this modest research attempt can contribute to the vast literature on the immigrant experience and the process of migration and furthermore how institutions form transit informal networks to support immigrants with the resources that help the sojourners get to their destination.

NOTES

In the edited book Structuring Diversity: Ethnographic Perspectives on the New Immigration, Louise Lamphere, includes six ethnographies about how new immigrants (newcomers) interact with established residents in six cities in the US. The purpose of the ethnographies is to connect macro-level forces with micro-level relationships through mediating structures, which she calls “mediating institutions” Combining micro and macro factors creates a more “holistic” (Pessar 1993) understanding of a “Slice of life” (Lamphere 1992) for the newcomers, as Lamphere calls the new immigrants. The framework that was used to connect all six studies was with the use of “mediating institutions” (Pessar 1993). Mediating institutions are channels that either “shape, structure or constrain interrelations” (1992:4) of newcomers with established residents. As Lamphere describes mediating institutions as a bridge were “interaction has been shaped and often transformed by both the structure of the institutions and the larger political economy” (1992:6). I would like to apply Lamphere’s idea of “mediating institutions” as the name for the immigrant shelters that exist along the journey. Essentially, like Lamphere describes these mediating structures are channels that help micro-level relationships (the experiences of immigrants) affecting macro-level forces (creation of immigrant shelters).

A coyote is a smuggler who smuggles the immigrant through the US border for a fee

There are different ways that immigrants get pushed of the trains. Some of the accounts that were shared with me is that at times bandits get on trains and try to rob the immigrant, if he or she doesn’t have any money then they could get pushed off. In other cases, gang members trying to rob them will do the same as the bandits.

The literature argues whether or not women’s moves are mostly influences by family reunification or if individual moves are facilitated by social networks. In any case, women leave because they want to live a different life. For example, some women have been told that women in the United States have more freedom. Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994) discusses through case studies how some women migrate because they want to free themselves from patriarchal ways of life. Many women believe that migration will result in a new kind of “freedom” were they will be able to become home owners, earn wages, have access to a better education, and provide a better life for their children. In some ways many women do attain a better “position”, they become “economic independent” and are able to participate more in the decision of their household.

References

Davis, Benjamin and Paul Winters. 2001. "Gender, Networks and Mexico-US migration." The Journal of Developmnet Studies Vol.38:pp.1-26.

Donato, Katharine M. 1999. "A Dynamic View of Mexican Migration to the United States." Gender Issues Vol. 17:p52, 24p.

Eschbach, Karl, Jacqeline Hagan, Nestor Rodriguez, Ruben Hernandez-Leon, and Stanley Bailey. 1999. "Death at the Border." New York: Center for Migration Studies of New York.

Genicot, Garance and Sarah Senesky. 2004. "Determinants of Migration and "Coyote" Use among Undocumented Mexican Migrants to the US." Pp. 1-25: Georgetown University & University of California, Irvine.

Hagan, Jaqueline and Helen Rose Ebaugh. 2003. "Calling Upon the Sacred: Migrants Use of Religion in the Migration Process." International Migration Review Vol. 37:1145-1162.

Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. 1994. Gendered transitions: Mexican experiences of immigration. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press.

Lamphere, Louise. 1992. Structuring diversity: ethnographic perspectives on the new immigration. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Massey, Douglas S., Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor. 1993. "Theories of International Migration: A review and Appraisal." Population and Development Review Vol. 19, No. 3:pp. 431-466.

Massey, Marcela Cerrutti; Douglas S. 2001. "On the Auspices of Female Migration from Mexico to the United States." Demography Vol. 38:pp. 187-200.

Menjivar, Cecilia. 2000. Fragmented ties: Salvadoran immigrant networks in America. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Orrenius, Pia M. 1999. "The Role of Family Networks, Coyote Prices and the Rural Economy in Migration from Western Mexico:1965-1994." Pp. 1-43 in Journal of Economic Literature. Dallas: Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

Passel, Jeffrey S. 2005. "Estimates of the Size and Characteristics of the Undocumented Population." Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, DC.

—. 2005. "Estimates of the Size and Characteristics of the Undocumented Population." Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, D.C.

Pedraza, Silvia. 1991. "Women and Migration: The Social Consequences of Gender." Annual Review of Sociology Vol. 17:p303, 23p.

Repack, Terry A. 1997. "New Roles In a New Landscape." Pp. xix, 315 p. in Challenging fronteras: structuring Latina and Latino lives in the U.S.: An anthology of readings, edited by M. Romero, P. Hondagneu-Sotelo, and V. Ortiz. New York: Routledge.

Singer, Audrey and Douglas S. Massey. 1998. "The Social Process of Undocumented Border Crossing among Mexican Migrants." International Migration Review Vol. 32:pp. 561-592.

Suro, Roberto. 2002. "Counting the "Other Hispanics": How Many Colombians, Dominicans, Ecuadorians, Guatemalans and Salvadorans Are There in the United States?" The Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, D.C., U.S.; District of Columbia.

Tienda, Marta and Karen Booth. 1991. "Gender, Migration and Social Change." International Sociology Vol. 6:51-72.

index of 2005 conference papers