index of 2005 conference papers

Political Motherhood in Poland: The Emergence of Single – Mothers for the Alimony Fund Movement

Renata Ewa Hryciuk
Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland

Introduction  

The term “political motherhood” comes from Jennifer Schirmer’s article on motherist movements in Latin America (Schirmer, 1993). The movements valorizing maternal qualities first emerged - as large scale phenomenon - in the nineteenth century in England, the United States and later in the Near East and Asia. In the twentieth century motherist social movements developed during the early phases of feminism in the Anglo – American West and in Latin America in 1970s and 1980s when they focused on human rights, consumer and welfare issues. Currently, they exist and are studied mostly in postcolonial nations and in ethinc diasporic communities.(Werbner; 1999)

Social movements usually develop in response to crisis. Since 2003 Poland has been witnessing the emergence of a new grass – root social movement: Single - Mothers for the Alimony Fund. The massive mobilization of women resulted from the government cutbacks in the state welfare servicies, the decling state aid for education and health care and thus the increased cost of living The situation in Poland reflects the global political trends present in the South as well as in the North. The neo – liberal economic policies imposed on the post – communist European countries by the World Bank and The International Monetary Found as well as austerity measures taken by Polish government to meet the requirements of the European Union have drastically affected single parents (vast majority of them being women) and their children and consequently increased the feminization of poverty.

The ongoing globalization of culture and economies has meant that certain characteristics of social movements are found in different parts of the world, but there are, of course some particular to Poland.

Super – woman syndrom. Polish style

In her analysis of a new gender contract in formation Anna Titkow points out the significance of the “national – family – matrairchal” nature of identity of contemporary Polish women (Titkow; 1999) The situation has been created by an interweaving of various elements. Polish history and culture produced a social genotype of woman functioning in the sphere of attitudes and behaviours. “A super – woman” who is supposed to cope with the most difficult demands set forth by social reality (including as well the roles generally adscribed to men), who is supposed to subordinate her own ambitions and plans to the need of the collectivity in the name of sacrifice for Homeland and Family, not expecting any gratifications but symbolic ones.(Titkow; 1994) Owning to these life and patriotic necessities Polish woman has attained a high level of prestige in family and society.

The years of communist system in Poland (1945 – 1989) marked a very important period in shaping the specificity of the social prestige of Polish women. The massive “professional activization of women” took place in the aftermath of World War II. Massive but largely forced and based primarly on ideology, “activization” occured basically without the initiative of women themselves. Generally low wages made the women’s earnings indispensable for the household budget, what is more the pressure to take a job was exerted on women of all social classes. Adding professional work caused the broadening of the assortment of social responsabilities and strenghtened the existing model based upon protective and heroic values, without a change in the traditional division of roles in the family.

In the case of Poland, women did not feel a dramatic role conflict because of their professional activation and that is why expected no gratification for the double burden. Professional roles only supplemented an already existing pattern in which heroism and sacrifice were the crucial elements. Due to this situation, along with the difficult living conditions - the repeating periods of economic crisis characteristic of “socialist countries” a specific managerial form of matriarchate has developed in Poland. This matriarchy includes the carrying heavy net bags full of shopping, suffering from lack of sleep, terribly tired but, at the same time, having the justifiable sense of being an indispensable family life manager, performing duties and tasks that would be burden enough for several persons. (Titkow; 1994; 318)

This managerial sucess supported by the plebeian component of the “Polish Mother” syndrome legitimizes the feeling of domination and authority of women in the family. These symbolic and emotional gratifications have obscured the social reality though and laid the foundations for the opinion that there are much important matters than the problems of women themselves: an opinion in a recent survey expressed by 70 % of women! (Titkow; 2001; 29) Furthermore, Polish women were transformed during this period into a highly homogenous group defined primarily by the roles of mothers and wives due to the actions by both communist state propagating forcefully the myth of gender equality and the Catholic Church promoting the traditional way of thinking about social functioning of men and women. Moreover, the gratification related to “managerial matriarchy” and the strong ideal of “Polish Mother” may have prevented the creation of women’s group – interest consiousness.(Titkow;2001)

Hence, the period of communist rule in Poland is seen by many feminist scholars as one of lost opportunities for women since it has not added any new empowering elements to the binding cultural image of women.

Backlash

The “democratic revolution” of 1989 brought about the change of political and economic systems in Poland and marked the beginning of an outstanding transformation in norms, role models, needs and customs of social behaviour. It created new socio – political and economic circumstances for Polish women. They lost heavily in elections, held without controls (and without quotas), and women’s unemployment increased rapidly. The state withdrew its support and delivery of child care, medical services, and educational opportunities, all within a few years and all in the name of the transition to democracy and market economy. Polish women became the primary victims of the progress that has attended the fall of communism. (Regulska; 2001)

Democratization in Poland has taken place alongisde a renewal of nationalist ideologies which have particularly and negatively affected women. Within the logic of nationalism women – responsible for the physical as well as symbolic reproduction of the nation – are marked as vessels of the nation’s moral integrity, survival and coherence (Yuval – Davis; 1997) Thus the ideal “female – as mother” became the major gender image used to define women’s place in the family and society.

To describe acurately the situation of women after 1989 Polish feminist scholars use the notion of backlash in its specific local understanding not as reaction to “achievements of feminism” as was the case in the United States but rather (...) as reaction of men to the position occupied by women in society (Titkow; 2001; 31) Two areas of social life have been primarily attacked: participation of women in the labour market and their reproduction rights. The chronic female unemployment and the restrictive abortion law along with the ongoing impact of extremely conservative Polish Catholic Church are supposed to reach the main goal of backlash – which is to totally subordinate women and return to the traditional model of society.

Nevertheless, the results of these attacks have been unproportionally weak if compared to the massive character and intensity of political activities taken against women’s interest. It is hard to imagine that Polish women will be willing to cope with the double / triple burden, performing the role of a super woman / super mother / super manager of family issues in the changing social environment of XXI century. A certain mental resistance of women in the periods of transformation and the increasing egalitarianism of the political and social context can be observed. Moreover, the elements of individualism which started to exist in social life thanks to systemic transition affected women as well. Hence, the middle course seems to be an option for the future: a long process of broadening the identity of Polish women by new elements. One of the mechanisms of this process should be becoming aware of the opportunities to articulate women’s interests and needs and consequently the development of the sense of empowerment.

“Polish Mother” goes on strike?

The spontaneous mobilization of single mothers started in the fall of 2002 when some of them read in local newspapers about the government plans to close down the Alimony Fund (AF).

The craddle of the grass – movement became Tarnów, a city in the south of Poland, the region with a high rate of female unemployment. The action in defence of the AF was initiated by a group of educated single – mothers, mainly teachers. When mass media got interested in the issue the movement began to spread rapidly all around Poland. More than 60 different assosiations and support groups have emerged – most of them in Southern and Eastern parts of the country. “Fighting Mothers”, “The Children of the Alimony Fund”, “The Community of Single – Mothers”, “Association for the Rights of Single Parents”, “Self-Sufficient Single Mothers” and many others group women of different backgrounds and life experience: teachers, secretaries, shop – assistants, clerks, unemployed, young and middle – age.(Ostałowska; 2004)

It is estimated that 200 000 out of 300 000 single parents (more than 90% of them single mothers) are in touch through different support groups, associations and increasingly by internet: “Self – Sufficient Single Mothers” have their web page: www.samodzielnematki.com.pl

From the very beginnig of the mobilization single - mothers have been protesting against the changes in the system of family services and the liquidation of the Fund; by sending protest letters and mails to the MP’s, President Kwaśniewski, the Spokesman of Civil Rights, The Spokesman of Children’s Rights and the Plenipotentiary for Gender Equality. They also launched the information campains in the media as well as in their neighbourhoods, schools and churches hanging up posters “Alimenciary! Don’t be ashame to fight!” Their efforts in the fall of 2003 brought hardly any response from the politicians and authorities therefore single - mothers decided to take to the streets. Since then they have been organizing demonstrations, marches and pickets in their home towns as well as in the capital in front of the House of Parliament. In December 2003 single – mothers came to Warsaw with a protest letter signed by 300 000 citizens! But president Kwaśniewski had already made the decision and signed the new government act “reforming” Polish alimony system.

The Alimony Fund was created in 1974. Its aim was to provide single mothers with alimony benefits in case when it was impossible to execute the alimony from the father of the child / children. The money paid by the AF was treated as a form of a credit which was to be paid off by the father.

According to Labour Market and Social Security Report for 2003, published by the Ministry of Economy, Labour & Social Policy of Poland during 5 years between 1998 and 2002 the number of persons collecting benefits from the Alimony Found rose by close to 100.000 persons. The report says that: “the increase is due to the growing number of court orders, determining alimony entitlement and a very low effectiveness of their enforcement. This causes frequent requests to the Alimony Found for the provision of alimony benefit.”The system used to be efficient and pulling off of alimony debts was reaching 90% in 1980s. The situation changed in 1990s during the period of systemic transformation which was accompanied by high unemployment and the emergence of illegal job market so called “twilight zone” On the other hand, the debt collectors have been reluctant to perform their professional duties and execute the alimony debts as not profitable enough. The social consent for the inefficiency of their work is just another symptom of the attitude of Polish state towards single parents.

The Alimony Fund ceased to exist on 1 st of May 2004 leaving single mothers with no support. Ironically, on the same day Poland joined the European Union. The withdrawing of alimony benefits formed part of the budget cutbacks to meet the requirements of the EU. According to the new regulations: single parents are entitled to obtain a social benefit of 170 PLN (50USD) per child unless the family income is not higer than 504 PLN (165 USD) per person monthly The sum of all benefits cannot be higher than 510 PLN even if there are 6 children in the family! Children who are 21 years old are not entitled to receive this benefit even if they are still studying. In this way single mothers are discouraged to take any extra jobs The quality of life of thousands of families deteriorate since the alimony entitlements ordered by the court are usually much higher.

Hence, instead of creating the efficient system of executing alimony which is a state’s duty it introduces a new and defect one. The system which discriminates single - parent families and contributes to the further deterioration of their life condition in the same time dismissing fathers from taking the responsibility for their children and taking active part in their upbringing. Moreover, it encourages married couples to take a stand about separation or divorce to obtain additional source of income from the state. Therefore the new act has been considered unconstitutional by The Constitutional Tribunal of Poland.

The state sacrifices the well – being of the family for the sake of the society, what is more, it decides about the civil status of women, refusing the benefit to those who remarry. In consequence there has been an avalanche increase in the number of separations (by 300%) and divorces (by 150%) and the number of single parents has increased from 150 000 in 2003 to 1000 000 in 2005! (Ostałowska;2005)

In 2004 a nationwide grassroot women network expended considerably. Single - mothers with the cooperation of the Spokesman of Children’s Rights prepared a civil project of the act etablishing The Communal Alimony Fund. The new regulations operating at the level of a community are created to help in executing alimony debts. It introduces the cooperation between communal authorities, debt collectors and local revenue board to make the enforcement of alimony efficient. It also promotes co-liability of parents for the fate of their children. The project imposes improvement of debt – collectors work and bringing to justice those of them who delay the process of execution that in result is to bring benefits to Polish welfare system.

Alimenciary (as Polish media call The Single – Mothers...) submitted the project signed by more than 300.000 supporters to the Parliament in September 2004. The leaders of the movement complain for the indifference from the part of politicians and authorities, the sentiment of dissapointment prevails in the press interviews.The anger and frustration among single - mothers arose when the government bill “On Alimony Enforcement” was passed instead. The regulation which – in their opinion – will not contribute to the improving of single – parents situation. Alimony debtors will continue to avoid responsability for the well – being of their children. Due to the social atmosphere around single - motherhood, social double statndards and false “male solidarity” of judges, debt collectors and alimony debtors! (Alimentare...;2005)

This situation is common since there still exists a strong conviction among judges and debt collectors (mostly men) that deviating from paying alimony is not a serious crime. And a man who is sentenced for that reason loses social prestige and then may have problems with finding a job. (Ostałowska; 2004)

Where is TheSingle – Mothers... movement heading for?

The dominant public philosophy of neo – liberalism relies on women to continue to provide social reproduction services at little cost to the state as the latter withdraws from many areas of social welfare provision. Privatization and reduction in public spending has had repercussions on the domestic and income – generating activities of Polish women, as well as on their civil status.The consequences have included woman’s taking on some of the welfare tasks and taking extra jobs, often in the“twilight zone”. The philosophy behind the government neo – liberal policies is to shift all responsibility for survival from the state to the individual and the family

Polish government put the responsibility for survival of the family on the shoulders of single - mothers, many of them unemployed. According to Alimenciary our politicians have been either ridiculing or ignoring the movement. Having lost in the Parliament most of the activists express deep discontent and disappointment. As one of the leaders Renata Iwaniec stated in a press interview: We wanted to be independent. We strongly believed in the power of civil protest, in the principles of civil society. Now, we decided to look for the allies in the political parties, especially those on the right side of the political scene. We will support the party that agrees to take up our project. Now we know that we need a political support, that civil initiatives mean nothing! (Ostałowska; 2005; )

In 2001 Anna Titkow speculated: As we enter the twenty – first century, use of the ‘Polish Catholic Mother’ arguments may accelerate the emergence of women’s group consciousness. (Titkow; 2001; 35) Having analyzed the emergence of “the Single – Mothers...” grass – root network it seems to me that those expectations have not come true yet and women mobilizing is not exactly following the direction expected by Polish feminists.

Women participate in social movements to defend and promote their practical interests (Molyneux; 1985) They reflect gender construction in society which for Polish women still privalages the identity of motherhood.

The image of idealized motherhood persists in our country. Women are still encouraged to deny their own interests and concentrate on the need of their children and being able to provide materially for your children is seen as part of good mothering.

Unlike the situation in Latin America where the power of “motherist groups” arises from ability to draw upon the feminine imagery of Catholicism against the state by evoking the image of the suffering mother and her sacrifice, Polish “Single – Mothers” call on the civil rights and the constitutional principle of the protection of family. Alimenciary have been attempting to change the discriminatory law as mothers – citizens; neither using the essentialist notions of womanhood nor calling themselves feminists. Although they have been receiving support from different feminist organizations all around Poland from the beginning of their protest.

Political motherhood in a postcommunist nation – state has to be understood as a process of discovery of collective experience of women. The collective experience of single mothering has been the most important mobilizing point for Alimenciary but it must be stressed that they have treated their actions and protests as part of the social – civil society - rather than political sphere. Single - mothers did not involve themselves in order to make a political statement, but to fullfil their traditionally prescribed duties. And the role of a woman as a household manager puts them on the front line.

“The Single – Mothers’” political involvement has been ignored since it has been interpreted as social rather than political but now when the election time is approching (both general and presidential) we can observe the attempts to coopt this grass – root movement. And according to its leaders there is some will from the part of Alimenciary - dissapointed by the outcome of their actions so far - to join a wider political coalition.

Popular protest organizations like “The Single – Mothers...” highlight women as political actors and the new political demands made by them. Political participation in social movements provides women with a political education and sense of empowerment. The most important consequence of it is the development of citizenship, which is more inclusive of women’s experience and a challange of gender relation.

The participants of “The Single - Mothers for the Alimony Fund” seem to be at the political crossroad now. Since women use the resources available to them to further their aims - they conform the social norms in some moments and subvert them in others, then many political scenarios are probable for the future. As Nikki Craske points out: “ Although motherhood may underpin certain forms of women’s political action, there is no direct relationship between motherhood and particular political agendas, actions, and ideologies: motherhood does not determine women’s interest within traditional political discourses such as left – right or prograssive – reactionary. Furthermore, parties and regimes of all political hues have embraced the idealization of motherhood.” (Craske: 1999: 7-8)

References

• Alimentare znaczy jeść (Alimentare means to eat) (2005) Research report by Cracow Centre for Women’s Rights & Stefan Batory Foundation
• Crasske, N. (1999) Women and Politics in Latin America, New Brunswick, New York: Rutgers University Press.
• Labour Market and Social Security Report for 2003; www.mpips.gov.pl
• Molyneux, M. (1985) ‘Mobilization without emancipation? Women’s interests, the state and revolution in Nicaragua’, Feminist Studies 11(2): 227 – 54.
• Ostałowska, L. (2004) ‘Batalia o Alimenty’, Gazeta Wyborcza: Wysokie Obcasy, May 8 th.
• Ostałowska, L. (2005) ‘Alimenty. Przegrana Walka?’, Gazeta Wyborcza: Wysokie Obcasy, June 6th.
• Regulska, J. (2001)’Transition to Local Democracy’ in M. Ingham, H. Ingham and H. Domański (eds.) Women on the Polish Labour Market, Central European University Press: Warsaw.
• Schirmer, J. (1993) ‘The seeking of truth and the gendering of Consciousness: The Comadres of el Salvador and The Conaviuga Widows of Guatemala’, in S.A. Radcliffe and S. Westwood (eds.) ‘Viva’ Women and popular protest in Latin America, Routledge: London and New York.
• Titkow, A. (1994)’Status evolution pf polish women – the paradox and chances’ in M. Alestalo, E. Allardt, A. Rychard and W. Wesołowski (eds.) The Transformation of Europe. Social Contitions and Consequences, IFiS Publishers: Warsaw.
• Titkow, A. (1999) ‘Poland, New Gender Contract in Formation’, Polish Sociological Review, 3 (127): 377 – 395.
• Titkow, A. (2001) ‘On The Appreciated Role of Women’ in M. Ingham, H. Ingham and H. Domański (eds.) Women on the Polish Labour Market, Central European University Press: Warsaw.
• Titkow, A., Duch D. (2004) ‘The Polish Family: Always an Institution’ in M. Probila and E. Jaj (eds.) Families in Eastern Europe, Amsterdam, London, Tokyo.
• Werbner, P. (1999) ‘Political Motherhood and the Feminisation of Citizenship: Women’s Activism and the Transformation of the Public Sphere’, in N.Yuval – Davis and P. Werbner (eds.) Women, Citizenship and Difference, London:
• www.samodzielnematki.com.pl
• Yuval – Davis, N. (1997) Gender and Nation, Sage: London.

index of 2005 conference papers